Автор Тема: Україна на шляху до ЄС  (Прочитано 421 раз)

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Offline Feral Cat

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Україна на шляху до ЄС
« : Липня 22, 2015, 01:05:41 01:05 »
If you are going through hell, keep going.

Offline aag

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #1 : Липня 22, 2015, 02:10:38 02:10 »
Thanks to EU, to some extent.

Offline Feral Cat

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #2 : Липня 22, 2015, 03:43:25 03:43 »
To a very large extent... :smilie9:
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Offline aag

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #3 : Липня 22, 2015, 05:50:42 05:50 »
F... EU? ©

Offline Feral Cat

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #4 : Липня 22, 2015, 05:55:22 05:55 »
And EU too... :gigi:
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Offline aag

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #5 : Липня 22, 2015, 06:02:13 06:02 »
Too? Who else?

Offline Feral Cat

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #6 : Липня 22, 2015, 04:29:36 16:29 »
Підписантів Будапештського меморандуму.
Усіх.
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Offline Feral Cat

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Re: Україна на шляху до ЄС
« Reply #7 : Липня 22, 2015, 04:51:12 16:51 »
Дуже толково написано Тімоті Снайдером.! :smiley24: - велика стаття.

http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2015/jul/21/ukraine-kharkiv-edge-of-europe/

Where Miłosz wrote in Polish that the old man had other things to do, Zhadan writes in Ukrainian that there were already so many prophets. Perhaps so. Pro-European Ukrainians are taking a chance, not demanding a future. They watch the Greek crisis too, and their position is often more scathing than anything western critics of the EU could muster. The point then is not certainty but possibility. Zhadan might well have died for an idea of Europe; other Ukrainians already have. Yet the risks he has taken, both physical and literary, are not in the service of any particular politics. Many of his essays and poems are about the attempt to understand people with whom he disagrees. He is an outspoken critic of his own government. Like Miłosz, who described Europe as “familial,” or like Khvylovy, who called Europe “psychological,” Zhadan is pursuing experimentation and enlightenment, a sense of “Europe” that demands engagement with the unmasterable past rather than the production and consumption of historical myth. “Freedom,” writes Zhadan in Lives of Maria, “consists in voluntarily returning to the concentration camp.”

No one can know where this vision of Europe might lead; that is, in some sense, the point. But we do know that for Europe to exist as such it must also exist in broader institutions. Many Ukrainians understand this, which is why they made their revolution about Europe itself. These institutions must be improved, which is why we are all talking about Greece. Europe can fail in both Greece and Ukraine, which is why the Russian media in these weeks abounds in prematurely celebratory visions of a collapsed European Union. The underlying message of Russian propaganda is that working for Europe, whether inside the European Union or beyond it, makes no sense, since democracy and freedom are nothing more than the hypocrisy of a doomed order, and history has no lessons other than those of power. Russian nihilism cheers on European narcissism.

The European Union will no doubt survive both crises, at least for a time, but in neither has it provided much of a response to its existential and democratic problems. Ukraine deserves help but is largely ignored because it is not a member of the European Union; the Greek prompt for institutional reform is going unheeded. As European leaders struggle to define what Europe is, it is more useful, or at least more heartening, to read the grim universalists in Kharkiv than to watch the gleeful provincials in Moscow.
July 21, 2015, 9:44 a.m.
If you are going through hell, keep going.